Posted by Lone Wolf on July 26, 2006 at 19:54:25
In Reply to: Re: Cultic Studies Review article Pt. 3 posted by Lone Wolf on July 26, 2006 at 19:51:57:
Journal Articles
“Brainwashing and Re-Indoctrination Programs in the Children of God/The Family,” by Stephen A. Kent and Deana Hall. In Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 17 (2000)[xx]
This article examines the Teen Training Centres (TTC) and Victor Camps that the movement’s leadership instituted to overcome “the classic problem that confronts sects, which involves the cultivation of commitment and devotion among a second generation born to parents who are members already” (p. 57). Thus, the purpose of the camps was to reestablish Berg’s authority and renew teen commitment to him. The authors note that, despite the prevalence of these programs, only one other researcher—James Chancellor (2000)—has explored them in any detail. They do provide, however, an overview and critique of other scholars who make brief mentions of the programs (pp. 59–63).
A main concern of the authors is the propensity of other academics to negate or downplay the effects that the programs had on the first wave of second-generation members. Hence, Kent and Hall take seriously the concerns and ongoing problems that the second generation experienced and continue to endure. They use the controversial concept of “brainwashing” as a theoretical framework in which to locate the programs. Aware of the polemic that surrounds the construct, they apply “...the most restrictive definition of brainwashing...” (p. 57). [xxi] They do not provide a definition of “re-indoctrination” though, and they do not explain the difference between the two concepts. [xxii]
The authors base their findings on carefully designed interviews (which Kent conducted over a six-year period) with former members (pp. 58–59). They also integrate many of the movement’s own publications that deal with the problem of teenage revolt, and the methods that the group’s leadership used to try to reverse the rebellious actions. Of particular interest is the authors’ inclusion of the experiences of Merry Berg (David Berg’s granddaughter). Her disenchantment and subsequent “crisis of faith” (p. 65) at the age of 14 resulted in horrific punishments in an attempt to re-indoctrinate her. These harsh disciplines included several exorcisms, physical beatings, and finally her banishment to Macao, where her uncle implemented a program of punishment, discipline, intense and psychologically demanding questioning, and re-education in Berg’s doctrines and beliefs (pp. 66–68). Merry remained there for three years, and she and others state that they endured physical confinement, “silence restrictions,” intense labour, surveillance, physical beatings, and at times, sexual abuse in these settings (p. 67). (The Victor Camps and the TTCs emerged out of the early experimentation with Merry.) The physical confinement and abuse that the children endured prompt Kent and Hall to conclude that even the most narrow definition of the brainwashing thesis is indeed applicable not only to Merry’s case but also to many of the teens who went through the TTCs and Victor Programs.
The rest of the article outlines the many forms of disciplines and abuses that occurred in the programs. Many of the narratives that emerge concur with those that Chancellor (2000) includes in his book. Interestingly, the current members whom Chancellor interviewed cite two reasons why they remained with COG/The Family despite their traumatic experiences. First, they identify that the abuses were “not normative”; second, they say that they have accepted the apologies of those responsible for meting out the punishments (Chancellor, 2000:240). The difference in attitudes between the members (whom Chancellor interviewed) and the ex-members (whom Kent interviewed) leaves us with an interesting puzzle. Kent and Hall posit that teen compliance was essential to the maintenance of the group (p. 75). Hence, are the members who stayed more forgiving because the brainwashing/re-indoctrination programs were successful in their cases? Or did the ex-members leave because their experiences of abuse were more violent, more intense, or more protracted? Alternatively, perhaps personality differences and personal coping strategies are a variable. For academics with a stake in either supporting or refuting the brainwashing thesis, another question arises: Do the acts that Kent and Hall describe actually constitute brainwashing programs? It is likely impossible to reach agreement on this issue, given the investment that academics on both sides of the debate have made developing their own analyses.
By using brainwashing to contextualize this work, Kent and Hall have likely reduced the probability that some other scholars will use their article as a research resource. Had the authors chosen to explore the abuses and punishments within a different theoretical framework, they might have garnered wider readership. In addition, the term “brainwashing” (like the word “cult”) has become so loaded with varying definitions and problematic connotations that many new researchers are extremely wary of using it, or of even exploring the possibilities of using it. In conclusion, while this article does a good job of addressing the concerns of the second generation, it does so in a way that fails to appeal to those scholars who have overlooked this component of the movement’s history. Given the polemic surrounding the brainwashing concept [xxiii], alternative constructs might have been prudent in this instance.
“Women After the Utopia: The Gendered Lives of Former Cult Members,” by Miriam Williams Boeri. In Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 31(3) (2002)
Williams Boeri analyzes the daily lives of 15 female former members of COG/The Family. Centralising the importance of gender, she examines how these women have responded to the post-cult environment. Drawing from symbolic interactionism, feminist discourses, and grounded theory, Williams analyzes the women’s transitions from cult members to “cult survivors.” In this way, environmental context, socialization, and social relations are crucial to understanding the identities of the women. Critically, Williams asserts that her study marks a shift from psychological discussions to sociological analyses—she explores four general topics: “identities, roles, interactions, and contexts” (p. 331).
Framing her work within a detailed discussion of the methodologies that she employs (semi-structured interviews and participant observation at ex-member reunions), Williams Boeri’s ethnographic study provides a comprehensive amount of background information. The women’s age ranges, time spent in the group, time lapsed since leaving the group, reasons for leaving, whether each woman left with or without a partner, education levels, and so on are all taken into consideration (pp. 332–335).
Williams Boeri identifies COG/The Family as an extremely patriarchal environment in which males benefited more than females from the sexual freedom that the group embraced. Furthermore, she argues that the insular nature of the group fostered “male domination of women through normative and persuasive controls [which] often leads to violence” (p. 331). She asserts that in COG/The Family, “women were subordinate to their husbands . . . and were encouraged to bear as many babies as possible. The sexual exploitation of the women became excessive when the economy of prostitution was adopted by the group” (p. 330). Despite these convincing analyses, Williams Boeri does not address Maria’s role as a woman in the movement who wielded considerable power. Moreover, in Heaven’s Harlots, she discussed several other women who made life particularly hard for her in various homes.
The focus of the study is the lived experiences of the women because “few studies have focused on how the sexual environment of cults has influenced the everyday lives of females while in the group, and little is known about the long term effects of a cult experience on women who leave” (p. 326). Moreover, she notes that both COG/The Family environment and the post-group environment are gendered settings that shape male and female expectations in terms of roles (p. 326). Because the key focus was everyday life and post-group adjustment to society, sexuality was not part of the interview question set (p. 354). Williams Boeri found, however, that the women brought this topic up of their own volition. In this way, the women informed Williams Boeri of how the sexual nature of their previous identities interfered with their struggles to negotiate new identities.
In addition to depression, “extreme estrangement and isolation” (p. 339), and role confusion, the interviewees spoke of their “spiritual confusion.” The women missed the intensity of communion with God that the group fostered, as well as the sense of purpose that they gained. After leaving the group, many felt that somehow they had let God down (p. 340). Some women endured further problems, as well: lack of education, lack of work history, and poor access to healthcare—practical issues that influenced their adjustment to, and negotiation of, new social roles.
Williams Boeri’s study provides interesting insights into the daily problems as well as the emotional, physical, and psychological legacies that the women faced when entering into a new and confusing social domain. Her work yields data on yet another facet of this movement—the transition from female disciple to member of mainstream society, and all that this role transition entails. She acknowledges that the findings of this article are not generalizable to all female ex-members of COG/The Family or to all ex-members of other groups, but that some parallels are likely emerge (pp. 333, 353).
“Generational Revolt by the Adult Children of First Generation Members of the Children of God/The Family,” by Stephen Kent. In Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 3 No. 2 (2004)
Kent returns to the experiences of the first wave of second-generation members in this discussion. He posits that core COG/The Family doctrines, along with specific policies and publications, had problematic implications for the children of the movement and hence contributed to their rejection of the group and its teachings. Kent begins his article with a reflection on the abuse that Ricky Rodriguez states that he and his half-sister Techi experienced at the hands of Berg, Maria, and other men and women in the leader’s home. Ironically, Berg intended that his adopted son would replace him as the group’s prophet and leader. Instead, Ricky and other second-generation members rejected the group’s belief system, left the group, and subsequently voiced their criticisms of the movement (pp. 56–57).
Kent identifies seven particularly problematic doctrines. First, he posits that the disciples’ unwavering acceptance of Berg as God’s prophet facilitated and legitimated the practice of punishment for “murmurings”—that is, “expressions of doubt[s]” about the reality of this claim (p. 58). Second, Kent asserts that the group’s conflation of love and sex shaped a “highly eroticized” environment in which adults socialized children into a range of sexual attitudes and behaviours. Third, because God’s words (as apparently mediated through Berg) were sacrosanct, they superseded all other responsibilities. Thus, parents frequently had to put the group’s work first, before their children. Moreover, many of the women had “Jesus babies” (that is, babies fathered by men that they had FFed). Because of this separation, “emotional bonds between children and their parents were severely strained, and many children did not know their biological fathers” (pp. 58–59). Fourth, because the group conceptualized society as the evil playground of the devil, disciples did not contact official channels when known or suspected abuses and crimes occurred. Fifth, to prevent members, including children, from being enticed into the outside world, leaders enacted harsh punishments for deviation from Berg and the group. Sixth, COG/The Family formed its own educational system—one that did not always meet with general standards, due to the lack of qualified teachers and a biased and inadequate curriculum. Moreover, children often were engaged in other COG/The Family activities that took them away from schooling. Finally, Kent notes that the itinerant nature of the group disturbed the children’s education (although it facilitated a global network of contacts among them).
Berg’s policies and publications reinforced the seven core doctrines. For example, Kent notes that when children became ill or were born with defects, Berg blamed the parents for poor disciplinary measures. He remarks that Berg believed that inadequate discipline made children vulnerable “to evil spirits or demonic possession”; hence, he advocated physical discipline, including “spankings and beatings ... to drive out the evil” (p. 61). These abuses have fostered a deep resentment in the second-generation members who endured them toward the parents and leaders who initiated them.
When Berg’s own daughter, Deborah, left the movement in 1978, he did not, however, blame himself for her defection. Indeed, Kent notes that in a 1983 publication, Berg asserts that he had not fallen short in his parental duties. In this same publication, Berg encourages the use of a “stick or rod” when disciplining children (Berg, 1983, cited in Kent, p. 62). Kent discusses Berg’s granddaughter, Merry, and the abuses she experienced (as discussed in Kent and Hall, 2000). In addition, he notes that when Merry left the group to live with her aunt (Deborah), Berg dismissed her, stating that she was “possessed.” Moreover, in a publication, he conceptualised her as a vampire—an image that the group drew on to debase future critics of the group (p. 64).
An important part of Kent’s discussion is his assertion that media and judicial pressures resulted in the demise of the Victor camps, and that
The Family, in response, burned controversial documents, published public denials of sexual impropriety between children and adults, and created media homes containing carefully selected teens who rehearsed probable questions and appropriate answers before reporters or academics arrived. (p. 65)
Thus, Kent provides another facet to the police raids and their aftermath. Furthermore, he notes that the teens endured “serious discrepancies between the group’s public posture and their own private experiences” (p. 65). Importantly, he observes that group policies and publications of this period attempted to deflect the blame away from leadership and onto the children. In this way, for instance, Maria blamed the girls for their own molestation. By the early 1990s, many of the second-generation youth were so disillusioned with their lives in the movement that they left. These ex-members hoped to receive some kind of justice for their abuses. Disturbingly, as recently as 2002, Maria and Peter issued a publication in which they demonized the former members, illustrating them as “blood-dripping grotesque demons named Vandari” (p. 68).
Kent’s article is important for several reasons. First, it addresses the concerns of the second generation that other researchers have alluded to but failed to focus on. Second, it provides further context to the raids on COG/The Family homes and reveals the movement’s efforts to negate the extent and impact of child abuse. Third, it gives credence to the concerns of the second generation, many of whom continue to deal with the torments of their upbringing (as Rodriguez’s death clearly illustrates). Fourth, it removes the responsibility for those abuses from the children and onto the adults who carried them out.
“Accommodation and Reformation in The Family/Children of God,” by Gary Shepherd and Gordon Shepherd. In Nova Religio, 9(1) (2005)
In this article, the authors review and discuss COG/The Family’s ability to adapt and evolve in the post-Berg era. Shepherd and Shepherd identify that external and internal pressures have contributed to some of the many changes that have occurred during the past decade or so. The authors present their findings based on interviews with the movement’s current leaders (Maria and Peter), a viewing of The Family video material, and a close reading of the group’s publications (p. 69).
The crux of this article reveals an interesting paradox: As a means to overcome its problems and accommodate society, the movement has embraced a form of “democratic corporate rationality” (p. 68) that has revitalised and sustained it. Simultaneously, however, the leaders have instituted a “significant reformation (or purification) motif” (p. 68) to address the unintended and undesirable consequences that the institutional changes have brought about (for example, less communal living and more interaction with secular society). This dilemma affords an interesting research topic that the authors address with an in-depth examination of the external and internal pressures, the changing features of the relationship between The Family and the rest of society, the group’s ongoing core beliefs, the implementation of The Love Charter, the changes in membership status, and the new structural conditions (as manifested by The Family Board Vision and related councils). In addition, Shepherd and Shepherd examine specific responses to increased member interaction with the outside world, such as “retrenchment publications” (p. 78); the implementation of membership contracts for some levels of membership; and increased governance, regulation, and surveillance. At the same time, Maria and Peter have had to legitimate their positions of authority in the wake of Berg’s death, as well as grapple with the effects of failed prophecies and millennial expectations. Hence, the authors explore a substantial range of adjustments.
In their discussion of external pressures, the authors identify that “the most significant stemmed from charges of child abuse made by disgruntled former members in collaboration with anticult organizations” (p. 70). Like Melton (2004), Shepherd and Shepherd use language that attempts to delegitamize the rights of the second-generation children to tell their accounts of sexual abuse. One might expect that, after having endured sexual molestation (and perhaps also the harsh discipline of either the Teen Training Camps or the Victor Programs), one would be “disgruntled” to say the least. Nonetheless, the authors rightly assert that the public and police interest that the movement received at this time, and the subsequent raids that they endured, generated negative public perceptions of the group that the leadership had to address. Thus, The Love Charter emerged as the main organizing document for the group, outlining disciples’ “rights, responsibilities, and membership requirements” (p. 71). [xxiv]
The authors do a good job of explaining the other changes that have taken place within COG/The Family. In particular, their discussion of previous and current membership statuses is useful. Shepherd and Shepherd explain that the newer category of “outside members” has been pivotal to the injection of new life into the movement. These members are individuals who are currently familiarizing themselves with the movement with a view to become part of a Family Home, those who subscribe to the movement’s publications, and those peripheral members who donate money to the group’s missionary efforts (p. 74). Concurrent with the expansion of this category of members is the development of churches, congregations, and pastoral positions for first-generation members. The authors note that this development is in stark contrast to Berg’s disdain for organized religion, particularly “Churchianity.” [xxv] Indeed, Shepherd and Shepherd note with interest that the very concept of “church” is assuming a more central role in COG/The Family’s evolution (p. 75).
Critically, “Family leaders are aware that membership expansion has the potential to diminish an intense sense of collective identity and core purpose” (p. 75). Hence, Maria and Peter have established The Family Board Vision, an administrative body comprising regional, national, and international boards, as well as councils. The purpose of this managerial network is to “oversee and approve policy recommendations” dealing with a range of issues including child rearing, adolescent guidance, home schooling, “church growth and missionary outreach programs,” monitoring of Family Homes, and “public relations” (p. 76). The authors identify the Board Vision as “a corporate model of organizational decision-making and control under the centralized authority and ultimate direction of Maria and Peter and their World Service advisors” (p. 77). Moreover, they analyze the ramifications of a bureaucratic structure such as this within the context of a movement that previously rejected some of these concepts. [xxvi]
According to the authors, there are several sources of internal pressure. For example, a lack of “revolutionary motivation of the second generation,” change of leadership following Berg’s death, an aging first generation, and the failure of endtime prophecies to materialize. Moreover, accommodation to society has brought a weakening in commitment and belief so that Maria and Peter began distributing “retrenchment publications” and a number of mandates in order to instil and reaffirm some of the original characteristics and beliefs of the movement.
Shepherd and Shepherd have brought together a wealth of new material and insights on the current trajectory of COG/The Family that shall no doubt provide invaluable research information for others interested in the movement’s contemporary status (especially when one pairs this research with the new information that Bainbridge’s 2002 survey yielded).