Posted by Lone Wolf on July 26, 2006 at 19:51:57
In Reply to: Cultic Studies Review article Pt. 2 posted by Lone Wolf on July 26, 2006 at 19:45:05:
[continued from previous post}
Book Chapters
‘The Children of God’ section of “Conversions,” in From Slogans to Mantras: Social Protest and Religious Conversion in the Late Vietnam War Era (2001a) by Stephen A. Kent
Kent discusses the emergence of COG/The Family within the context of the shift from youth involvement in social and political protest movements of the 1960s to the proliferation of new religious movements that emerged in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Against the background of the Vietnam War, he provides a compelling argument that the youth of this time underwent a “crisis of means” (p. 5) (as opposed to a “crisis of meaning”). He posits that religion became the new means to try to achieve the same ends—radical social and political change. Hence, new religions like the COG with their political and, indeed, revolutionary rhetoric appealed to the disenchanted activist youth of that era. Moreover, as Kent comments, Berg offered a radically different platform from which to worship and spread the word of God. Rather than provide a traditional image of Jesus, Berg offered a revolutionary one that coincided with countercultural values and imagery (p. 149).
A combination of interviews, Mo Letters, academic literature, and rare publications from the era help Kent develop his argument that the COG’s anti-American (and specifically, anti-Nixon) posture, along with its explicit advice for avoiding the draft, added to the movement’s appeal (pp. 144–145). Critically, he highlights the cognitive and behavioural consistency that the transition from political protest to spiritual engagement with the COG afforded. Centralising the role of youthful idealism [xvii] in an era in which anything seemed possible, he notes: “Idealistic youth—sometimes propelled by the perceived shortcomings of their own generation, and always compelled by promises of dramatic social change—chose to commit themselves to high-demand beliefs that always rested upon supernatural claims” (p. 150). Likewise, Williams (1998) observes the role of idealism, remarking that although she had never met Berg,
Whenever doubts entered my mind about following a “personality,” I reminded myself that it was the ideal [italics in the original] I was following, not the person who expressed it.... I thought the ideals he preached could change the world. (Williams, 1998:38)
Kent turns his attention to the movement again in the concluding chapter, where he discusses the group’s millenarian position (p. 154), as well as their “...manipulative use of feminist rhetoric against women...” (p. 163). On this latter point, Kent explores the apparent paradox that emerged: At a time when women were striving to achieve social and political gains, many of them were joining very patriarchal groups (such as COG/The Family), where they had to rescind their hopes for equality for positions of subservience. The rhetoric of Berg’s works illustrates this paradox. On one hand, he described his female followers as “Revolutionary Women.” On the other hand, in at least two Mo Letters he expressed his disdain for the women’s movement: He commanded women to “PROVE YOUR LOVE WITH SEX” because “THEY [MEN] GET FED UP WITH THESE SICKENING SELFISH WOMEN” (Berg, 1976b:4134). The “sickening selfish” women he refers to are the women who were part of the feminist movement. He criticized them for not looking after men “properly.” Likewise, in “Real Mothers,” Berg derided “THIS WOMEN’S LIB IDEA!” Maria and Berg wrote that women had been “brainwashed” into liberation, and that it was their [COG/The Family’s] duty to “brainwash” them back into motherhood (Berg, 1975:3521).
Kent’s discussion deals with a specific era, and he explains well why the youth of that time joined this particular NRM. His work does not address the appeal that the movement held for converts in the late 1970s, the 1980s, the 1990s, and the contemporary period. Has the movement replaced the rhetoric of protest and revolution with other equally appealing positions during these periods? Should Kent or other researchers choose to tackle this and other questions, we will have a more complete picture of the reasons for the group’s continued appeal to new converts.
“The Children of God” by Miriam Williams Boeri; in Sex and Religion (2005), Christel Manning and Phil Zuckerman (Eds.)
Williams Boeri [xviii] returns her attention to COG/The Family in her chapter, “Children of God” in Christel Manning and Phil Zuckerman’s edited volume, Sex and Religion (2005). Positioning COG/The Family within the history of communal experimentation, Williams Boeri identifies The Family’s sexual ethos as a part of a larger tradition of sexual experimentation in such social groups (p. 160). She expands her discussion (from 1998) of the socialization process that facilitated and legitimated the acceptance of overt sexuality paired with Christian-inspired doctrine. She discusses the combined effects of Berg’s charismatic leadership and the tight COG/The Family hierarchy of authority, as well. Critical to this power structure was the public humiliation (via Mo Letters) that Berg instituted as a powerful form of punishment for dissenting leaders at all levels. Coupled with this discipline was the resocialization of new disciples, a process that Williams Boeri describes using Rosabeth Moss Kanter’s discussion of commitment (pp. 162–163).
Then we get to the heart of the discussion—sexuality in the Children of God. Williams Boeri examines the sexual mores of the group and identifies that the shift from “marriage and sexual chastity” to “sexual liberation” mirrored “parallel developments in the life of the group’s leader” (p. 165). She comments, “The frequent reversals on official sexual practices are consistent with Berg’s early writings that claim that ‘all things change’ in the Children of God/Family” (p. 167). Williams Boeri addresses many aspects of sexuality in the movement, including the sexual revolution (pp. 165–167), homosexuality (p. 167), FFing (pp. 167–169), contraception (p. 169), sexual teachings and children (including a specific examination of The Book of Davidito) (pp. 169–172), Teen Training Camps, and the Justice Ward case in the United Kingdom (pp. 172–174). The main strength of her discussion is that she brings together an analysis of all aspects of sexuality in the group in a concise format that outlines clearly the progression and development of Berg’s sexual vision for the group, and how he implemented the socialization of his vision, via the Mo Letters and through his hierarchy of leaders. Like Chancellor (2000), Williams Boeri’s discussion of abuse is authoritative—she leaves no room for doubt about the reality and extent of the problems.
In her analysis of The Book of Davidito, Williams Boeri comments that some mothers and their teens believe “that the Davidito letters gave adults who desired sexual activity with children the freedom to do so” (p. 171). I would like to see Williams Boeri, Chancellor, and others explore this facilitation process further (although Williams Boeri does refer to “sexual opportunism” [p. 174]). A large body of research on child abuse, incest, and pedophilia has emerged over the past few decades, and much of it explores the many and varied rationalization processes that adults engage in when they sexually abuse minors (for example, see DeYoung, 1982; DeChesnay, 1985; and Mayer, 1985). Moreover, eminent sociologist of child abuse, David Finklehor (1984), has discussed child abuse in group settings. He posits that often in these contexts too much research focuses on the alleged psychopathology of the individual. He argues in favour of a model that looks to the social conditions that facilitate child sexual abuse. He claims, “It is clear that cultural forces can modify the propensity of large numbers of adults to be sexually interested in children” (Finklehor, 1984:35). Finklehor’s insights may help to explain why some group members of COG/The Family engaged in sexual relationships with children (specifically those adults in the group who would not otherwise have engaged in sexual relationships with children had Berg not sanctioned it). Simply put, it may be the case that because Berg advocated adult-child relationships (and within a religious framework), he made it an acceptable practice within their closed group culture. [xix]
Williams Boeri closes her chapter with some comments on scholarship focused on NRMs. While recognizing that scholars should approach their subject matter carefully and not cause any unwarranted alarm or criticism, she posits that over-caution “...risk[s] obscuring or downplaying real violations of members rights...” (p. 174). Williams Boeri explores these problems from the perspective of a sociologist, while having the additional insights of a former member.
“The Family,” in The Rhetoric of Religious Cults: Terms of Use and Abuse (2005) by Annabelle Mooney
Mooney’s approach to COG/The Family is somewhat unique—she is not a scholar of religion; rather, she is a linguist. In her chapter on COG/The Family, Mooney draws on linguistic analyses to deconstruct the Mo Letter, “The Big Lie!” In this way, she identifies the specific ways that Berg employs language as a means to appeal to his readers in a manner that is both emotionally attractive and manipulative. She identifies that emotion alone is not enough as a rhetorical technique, but that it must be paired with other strategies “such as arguments from character” (p. 108). Moreover, implicit in Berg’s dialogue is a “perlocutionary effect”—that is, he intends his words to have a particular purpose. In this case, the purpose is that the reader should develop a positive opinion about the group and its beliefs because of this particular Mo Letter (p. 109).
In the “The Big Lie!” Berg sets evolutionary theory and Creationism against one another in a manner that presupposes a Christian audience (p. 109). Indeed, “Because of the way in which Berg attributes the doctrine of evolution to Satan and Creationism to God, he need not worry that Christians will disagree with his arguments” (p. 105). Furthermore, while the text does not demand adherence to the group, Mooney identifies that Berg shapes his argument such that if one does not agree with his argument, “one is a false Christian” (p. 110).
Mooney analyses the way Berg uses three specific techniques to imitate actual spoken speech in his writing. First, his frequent use of capitalizations allows him to emphasize words and sentences in the same way one can when talking. Second, his proclivity for exclamation marks bolsters the power of the message he relates, although Mooney identifies that his overuse of them reduces their effectiveness “unless the text is read as verging on the hysterical” (p. 111). Third, Berg’s lexical (word) choices often serve to ridicule evolutionary theory and “contribute to the exploitation of emotion as they are highly value laden” (p. 111).
Berg uses other means to legitimate his position. For example, he structures the text using paragraph numbering that is similar to Biblical arrangements (p. 112). In addition, he sets up his argument using a “claim/denial structure” that allows him to establish an “us” (true Christians) versus “them” (false Christians and non-Christians) dichotomy (p. 113). Interestingly, he also identifies evolutionary theory not only as “evil” and Satanic (p. 115), but also as both a false religion (p. 117) and a false science (p. 119). Mooney notes that by using scientific rhetoric to discuss both Creationism and evolutionary theory, Berg establishes that Creationism is “true science” (p. 117) and that evolutionary theory is “false science.” Moreover, Berg claims that the logic of Creationism clearly shows the shortcomings of evolutionary theory; indeed, he argues that one need look only to Creationism for all one’s answers. Strengthening this position is Berg’s discussion of the apparent absurdity of evolutionary theory and the impossibility of it (pp. 120–121). Berg declares as well that evolutionary scientists and palaeontologists are professional liars who deliberately misguide and miseducate people (p. 123). They are, he states, in no way connected to “true” scientists who merely observe what God has created. The emotional potency of the piece is bolstered further by Berg’s connecting evolutionary theory to Hitler (p. 118), and his ability to instil shame in those who have any doubts about Creationism (p. 121).
Mooney’s discussion is valuable because she addresses the role of language in community making. She identifies how language, when emotionally laden and skilfully used, can help to foster allegiance with, and commitment to, ideas and belief systems. Mooney systematically dissects Berg’s work, concluding that, despite the circular nature of Berg’s arguments (p. 128), he convinces his readership of his authority. Moreover, although Mooney examines only one Mo letter, it seems quite plausible that her analyses could be generalized to the study of other Mo letters, given that Berg uses similar rhetorical devices in most, if not all, of his publications.